Appendix to “Greek polydefinites revisited: Polydefiniteness as resumed relative clause modification” by Evripidis Tsiakmakis, Joan Borràs-Comes and M.Teresa Espinal, published in JGL 21.1 (2021)
datasetposted on 2021-06-21, 07:44 authored by Evripidis Tsiakmakis, Joan Borràs-Comes, M.Teresa Espinal
These are the supplementary materials for an article published in Journal of Greek Linguistics entitled 'Greek polydefinites revisited: Polydefiniteness as resumed relative clause modification', by Evripidis Tsiakmakis, Joan Borràs-Comes and M.Teresa Espinal, with DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02101001. This article focuses on the interpretation of the adjectives that appear in Greek polydefinite DPs. It provides empirical support to the established position that restrictive modifiers are preferred in polydefinite environments (Kolliakou 1995). At the same time, it shows that non-restrictively modified polydefinites are not excluded by grammar (Manolessou 2000). To reconcile the facts, a novel syntactic analysis of polydefiniteness as involving modification by either restrictive or non-restrictive reduced relative clauses is formulated. We extend Alexopoulou’s (2006) analysis of resumption in full relatives to polydefinites and defend that what looks like a preadjectival definite article is a resumptive clitic pronoun that values the unvalued definiteness feature of a null relative complementizer. We further defend that, while the prenominal definite article is interpreted as d-linked, the resumptive clitic is a dependent expression that is interpreted as a referentially bound anaphora. This appendix consists of the raw data used in this study.